Virtually every presidential State of the Union speech, or its gubernatorial equivalent, calls for tougher criminal laws and/or new investigative resources.  President Obama's address last week was no exception.  The President called for the establishment of a new unit "to crack down on large scale fraud and protect people's investments."  As blog editor Ellen S. Podgor wondered, see here, it was unclear how this unit would differ from the Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force established in 2009.  I too asked whether this purportedly new unit was anything other than a repackaged version.

The announcement of a new prosecutorial unit also was perhaps an unintended implicit admission that existing federal law enforcement agencies had been less than successful in dealing with serious alleged crimes which some believed had caused the financial crisis.  Both Attorney General Eric Holder and SEC Enforcement Director Robert Khuzami defended their record, stating that not every mistake is a violation of law.  Holder said, "We also have learned that behavior that is reckless or unethical is not necessarily criminal," a statement which (aside from leading me to ask why it had taken him so long to realize it) should be painted on the walls of every prosecutorial office.

The principal apparent structural difference between this unit, entitled the Unit on Mortgage Origination and Security Abuses ("UMOSA"), and the prior one is, besides its more focused jurisdiction, that this is a joint task force of both federal and state officials.  One of its co-chairs — albeit one of five, four being DOJ or SEC officials — is New York State Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, who has shown his independence and aggressiveness toward Wall Street by pushing for stronger sanctions against financial institutions for robo-signing and other improprieties committed after the crisis arose.

Generally, joint federal-state task forces are a one-way street.  The feds take the best criminal cases and leave the dregs to the state.  One purported justification for such selection is that federal laws and rules of evidence make it easier for federal prosecutors to bring cases and win convictions.  Schneiderman has indicated somewhat to the contrary — that New York and other state laws give state attorneys general greater means to bring both civil and criminal prosecutions.

The idea of combining federal and state resources is generally a good one.  Too often law enforcement agencies refuse to share information with other agencies, if at all, until they have determined the information was insufficient for them to act on, often too late for use by the other agencies.  On the other hand, I fear that some task force constituents might attempt to make an end run around constitutional and statutory laws and rules, specificially Fed.R.Crim.Pro. 6(e), which, generally, as relevant here, prohibits disclosure of grand jury information to non-federal officials.  Of particular concern is whether information secured by federal grand juries, much of which is through immunized testimony, will be provided for use by the states.  Both Attorneys General Holder and Schneiderman seem aware of this restriction, but both appear to view it as an obstacle to overcome rather than a right to ensure.  How scrupulous they will be in upholding the rule and spirit of grand jury secrecy will be seen.

(goldman)